https://www.wasj.ir/ Quarterly Journal of West Asian Studies (Faṣlnāmah-i Gharb-i Asiyā) en daily 1 Tue, 23 Sep 2025 00:00:00 +0330 Tue, 23 Sep 2025 00:00:00 +0330 https://www.wasj.ir/article_241602.html "Deterrence" has long been one of the main issues of all governments in the international environment. In the era of the emergence of new technologies, especially artificial intelligence technology, deterrence has entered a new stage. Artificial intelligence, with its extensive capabilities in the areas of data analysis, enemy behavior prediction, cyber warfare, cognitive operations, and information control, has been able to change the strategic calculations of governments. This technology has not only transformed defensive and offensive tools, but has also been proposed as a determining factor in the formation of modern deterrence. Given the application of new technologies in the Twelve-Day War, the necessity of improving the deterrence of the Islamic Republic of Iran has become more apparent than ever before, and has made Iran's deterrence requirements complex. The main purpose of this article is to identify the requirements for improving the deterrence of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the aftermath of the Twelve-Day War. The main question of this article is: "What are the requirements for improving the deterrence of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the aftermath of the Twelve-Day War?" The hypothesis proposed by the research is that the requirements for enhancing the deterrence of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the post-12-day war include hardware requirements (strengthening missile and drone capabilities, etc.) and software requirements (using artificial intelligence, managing tools and media space, etc.). This combination can make Iran more resistant to new threats and allow the country to consolidate its deterrence in the international arena not only based on hard power, but also on technological power and indigenous innovation. The article is of an applied type and will be conducted using a descriptive research method. The required data will be collected using a library method and documents and analyzed using a content analysis method. https://www.wasj.ir/article_241844.html Turkey is one of the most important arenas of discursive confrontation between Kemalist secularism and political Islam in the Islamic world, which began with the collapse of the Ottoman Empire and the establishment of the Republic in 1923 and has continued until recent decades. The aim of this article is to analyze how the semantic evolution of the discourse of political Islam in Turkey and its relationship with the components of modernity at the level of political parties in the period 1970-2025. The main question of the research is how Turkish political Islam has transitioned from the confrontational discourse of the 1970s and 1980s to a consolidated discourse compatible with modern requirements within the framework of the Justice and Development Party. The article hypothesizes that Islamist parties, by articulating signifiers such as Islamic identity, justice, development, and democracy, have been able to create a new semantic order in contrast to the secular discourse and, in this way, adapt political Islam to the logic of modernity and the modern state. Drawing on Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe’s discourse theory, this article analyzes the process of hegemonic reconstruction of the concepts of religion, state, and modernity in the discourse of Turkish political parties during the period 1970-2025. The findings show that economic changes, structural developments in the party system, and the redefinition of the fundamental concepts of religion and state have paved the way for the formation of a combined discourse of political Islam; a discourse that has been able to rearrange meaning and power in the Turkish political order beyond the duality of tradition and modernity https://www.wasj.ir/article_241896.html The third decade of the twenty-first century has faced more complexities and transformations than any previous period, and with some allowances the present era can be considered a transitional age centered on the United States. With Donald Trump's return to power, U.S. realist policies have taken on more pragmatic dimensions through a "peace through strength" approach. This study examines the question of how U.S. policies toward Iran during the Trump era (2017–2025) were, with a focus on the nuclear program. In response, the hypothesis under review is that Donald Trump's policies are based on Jacksonian doctrine and offensive realism grounded in realist perceptions, and it seems unlikely that he would reduce his maximum-pressure approaches without a significant achievement regarding Iran's nuclear program. The results indicate that the United States has in every way placed the issue of Iran (and consequently its nuclear and missile programs) among its principal objectives and, using a combination of various options, ultimately seeks to compel Iran to align with its interests in West Asia. The data collection method was library and internet-based (articles, books, and reputable global reports) and the research method was descriptive-analytical. https://www.wasj.ir/article_242901.html The 2011 civil unrest was the largest popular movement to move Arab societies out of a state of “transition.” Unlike other Arab countries, Tunisian groups have attempted to form a national front and the rule of law through coalition-building politics, but despite significant achievements, many challenges remain, particularly in the context of the potential for authoritarianism to return. In this regard, the question has been assessed: What effects and results have the policies and competitions between political currents in Tunisia, especially in the field of political consensus/coalitions, had on democratic components, especially the constitution and the position of the opposition (from 2014 to August 2023)? The hypothesis put forward in the answer is that the existence of numerous challenges in the democratic transition and competition between different political groups, especially in building consensus - and its nature - has led to numerous problems in areas such as coalitions/consensus and fragile democracy, deviation from the constitution, weakening the position of the opposition, and extralegal authoritarianism. The findings indicate that the existence of challenges in the areas of democratic transition and - consequently - deviation from the rules of democratic law and politics and lack of institutional rationality have led to the weakening of the consensus-building process and the low reading of the constitution and - under it - the weakening of the position of the opposition. Also, an instrumental view of the "consensus" mechanism in instances such as its selection during elections and the lack of any effort to moderate the differences and challenges ahead has led to the "fragility" of consensuses/coalitions. Ultimately, the aforementioned fragility has led to the adjustment of democratic components, deviation from the constitution - and related issues such as - a tendency towards extralegal authoritarianism and the rejection of the opposition. https://www.wasj.ir/article_242907.html As a strategic region in Eurasia and West Asia, the Caucasus is a complex arena of geopolitical competition between great powers.The developments in the Caucasus in recent years, due to its geopolitical location, rich energy resources, and intermediary position in energy transport, have highlighted the role of this region as a center of geopolitical competition between regional and trans-regional actors.The question is how energy and security equations in the South Caucasus are shaped by the influence of various international and regional actors, and what consequences do these interactions have for the stability and security changes in the region?The hypothesis of article, based on the theory of structural realism, is that the geopolitical competition of regional actors and global powers in the Caucasus has led to a redefinition of energy transfer routes and regimes and a new order in the security equations of West Asia. This article is qualitative and, relying on an analytical-descriptive approach and using library resources, examines the role of the Caucasus in rearranging energy and security equations in West Asia.The findings show that energy equations, especially the control of oil and gas pipelines and the role of energy transit, are one of the key factors in strengthening security competitions and confrontations in this region.Ethnic conflicts and a multi-faceted military presence have increased instability,while energy plays an effective role in security and geopolitical policy.These interactions have made the South Caucasus a geopolitical chessboard, a playground for different powers. https://www.wasj.ir/article_242908.html The foreign policy a combination of design goals, selected strategies for operationalizing goals, and success in managing challenges posed by other actors. political action is explained by reference to the identity of the country. Iran follows the identity of resistance to protect its territorial and political integrity, prevent military and geopolitical threats, and maximize its national interests in the direction of the country's national identity. Constructivism was considered as a theoretical framework. The purpose of this article is to evaluate the role of national identity and the resistance front in the foreign policy (1400-1392) the Rouhani era. This research was conducted using a descriptive-analytical method. The main question of the research is what role did national identity and the Resistance Front play in the development and formation of the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran during the Rouhani era? The results showed that the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran, from the perspective of the Resistance Front as a regional power, has been following a change in the direction of foreign policy since 2013. The Resistance Front found itself in completely new and different strategic and field conditions during the Rouhani era compared to the past. In general, the Rouhani government's foreign policy set has tried to change the previously constructed image of the Islamic Republic of Iran by creating a different image of it as an active and responsible actor in the field of peace and security, and reduce threats and restrictions against the country. The Rouhani era, with the aim of prioritizing national identity, provided the conditions for a change in the direction of Iran's interests and strengthened the areas of interaction with the Islamic Republic of Iran by changing the views of government officials and supporters of sanctions and pressure.